Dershowitz, For the Defense
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There's wide consensus in the U.S. on the left and right that support
for Israel should be the basic policy of the United States. If you
go outside the U.S., that's just not true at all. And since the
1967 war, in fact, I think it has been a central tenet of the foreign
policies of many countries, many stable democracies, in the world
that the center left is basically pro-Palestinian and not pro-Israel.
In America, it is the hard left that is virulently anti-Israel,
the hard academic left, the [MIT Professor] Noam Chomsky left, which
is totally unrepresentative of the left in America. I agree that
among many Europeans, to an increasing degree the left center has
been pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel. But I think it's also increasingly
true in many parts of Europe that the centrist right is turning
against Israel. The hard right has always been against Israel, because
there is an anti-Semitic hard right, which in the main we don't
have in America.
the way, I meet a lot of Europeans who are more critical of Israel
in public than they are in private. There are Europeans, center
left and center right, who privately are glad that Israel is there
keeping democracy alive and radical Islam in check. But they are
not ready to say that in public. The reality is that there is a
different perception of Israel in most parts of Europe than there
is in the United States. If you ask a simple question about positive
or negative views, many more Americans will have positive views
of Israel. Many more Europeans will have negative views of Israel.
It may reflect the fact that the generational issues we are seeing
today, of college students being influenced by lots of anti-Israel
attitudes on campus, happened 20 years earlier in Europe.
In a world where reasoned discourse is so hard to achieve and all
that one sees is stridency of the forms you have mentioned, how
can one generate a productive and meaningful dialogue on Israel
and the Palestinians?
The unnuanced criticism of Israel, the "you're the worst, you're
a human-rights violator, you're genocidal," makes it hard for
people like me to present nuanced criticism of Israel because we
don't want to become part of the cacophonous chorus of immoral condemnation.
But my message is be critical of Israel. Be critical of every country.
Make the case against Israel if you want to. Make the case against
Jordan. Make the case against Egypt. But make it in a nuanced, comparative
and fair manner. And then, I think, we can go forward with debates
about peace and about progress.
Do you have a personal peace plan?
The two-state solution is the only appropriate solution. It's the
one I have always advocated; it's the one that very few Palestinian
leaders actually advocate. They are not prepared to say two states.
They are not prepared to say, "I recognize the right of Israel
to exist as a Jewish state." When the Palestinian leaderships
want their own state more than they want the end of the Jewish state,
there will be a two-state solution.
my road map. Israel should take the first step. And I think Israel's
first step should be an announcement that it is prepared to end
most of the settlements, that it is prepared to dismantle specific
settlements on a date certain, say January 1, 2004. But it will
be conditional on several things happening. The first is, Palestinian
best efforts to dismantle terrorist groups. If there were no terrorist
acts between now and January 1, the settlements would be dismantled.
But you never want to give the terrorists the veto. So even if there
were terrorist acts, as there will be, between now and January 1,
if the Palestinians had made best efforts, if the Palestinian Authority
had taken significant steps, then Israel would dismantle. And if
best efforts were not made during that period of time, the dismantling
would be postponed. The reason for that is very important: You cannot
ever reward terrorism; you must always reward steps taken to end
my proposal. I'd love to see a two-state solution. I'd love to see
peace. I think that if the Palestinians had accepted Camp David
and Taba, they would today be a Palestinian state with the wealthiest
per capita Arabs in the Middle East. They would have a Marshall
Plan. They would have a wonderful educational system with universities
open to democracy. Instead, they have violence, hatred, ignorance
and death because their leaders want the end of the Jewish state
more than the beginning of a Palestinian state.